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Title[Thesis] Overseas Adoption of South Korean Babies and the Motherhood of the Birth Mothers, 1966–19922024-10-28 08:36
Name Level 10
  • Author: Shin, Phil-sik 
  • Title: Overseas Adoption of South Korean Babies and the Motherhood of the Birth Mothers, 1966–1992
  • Language: Korean
  • Type: PhD Thesis
  • Publication Year2020
  • Publisher: Seoul National University, Interdisciplinary Program in Gender Studies

■ Abstract
This study aims to explain the increase and decrease in the overseas adoption of South Korean babies, focusing on the changes in social perception of overseas adoption and birth mothers decisions to send their children overseas for adoption. Since the Korean War, South Korea has sent nearly 170,000 Korean children abroad for adoption. In consideration of the institutional reality of motherhood and the agency of birth mothers, this paper explores why so many Korean birth mothers put their children up for adoption, and why their children had to be adopted internationally. 

There are two main explanations for the overseas adoption of Korean babies: 1) the abandonment discourse, which claims that children had to be put up for overseas adoption because too many children were being abandoned; 2) the irresponsible country discourse, which argues that the Korean government sent children overseas without caring for them. However, both explanations overlook the birth mothers of children put up for overseas adoption. Until now, Korean society has perceived the birth mothers of children adopted internationally typically as cold-hearted teenagers and unwed mothers who abandoned their children or had to give them up due to circumstances. 

This study adopts a feminist motherhood research method in addressing the question of who the birth mothers were and what made them decide to put their children up for overseas adoption, with a special focus on the institutional reality of motherhood in Korean society and the agency of birth mothers. The study covers from 1966 to 1992, dividing this timespan into three periods: 1) 1966–1979, when the number of overseas adoptions increased and was maintained following the era of overseas adoption of children orphaned by the Korean war and biracial children; 2) 1980–1987, when there was a surge in the number of overseas adoptions after a short decrease; and 3) 1988–1992, when there was a sudden drop leading to a gradual declining trend. 

As is the case with many existing studies on birth mothers in Korea, methods and data that can explain the experiences and decisions of Korean birth mothers remain limited. Against this backdrop, this study examines not only the circumstances of Korean birth mothers and the possible alternatives to adoption but also related trends in the overseas adoption of South Korean babies within the context of the lives of the birth mothers and changes in Korean motherhood. 

Social discourses and sociocultural representations concerning birth mothers and overseas adoption are reviewed through related policies and public media coverage in each period. The statistical features with respect to birth mothers who received adoption consulting are examined. Specific case studies of birth mothers who placed their children up for overseas adoption are then analyzed through the memoirs of overseas adoptees, casebooks on adoption consulting, and in-depth interviews. Government statistics related to overseas adoption, statistics on children in need of public assistance, and statistics on birth mothers who received adoption consulting were collected to gain insight into the increase and decrease in number of children put up for overseas adoption by period. The findings from these analyses are compared to the acquired information on birth mothers. The analysis reveals the contexts of the lives of the birth mothers and what led them to decide to place their children up for adoption. Through a feminist motherhood research approach, this study analyzes how the circumstances of birth mothers changed within Korean society and how such changes affected their decision to put up their children for adoption. 

Based on these analyses, the relationship between the increase and decrease in overseas adoption and birth mothers decisions can be described as follows. First, from 1966 to 1979, while the instability of the domestic child protection system continued, child welfare facilities decreased in number while the adoption counseling organizations of overseas adoption agencies increased in number. 

Policies to protect birth mothers were implemented, but most presumed that children were being put up for adoption and lacked proper awareness of birth mothers needs. While birth mothers who placed their children up for overseas adoption faced more social criticism, there were also increasing expectations with regard to overseas adoption as the advantages became known. Under these circumstances, in addition to birth mothers with biracial children, birth mothers with children of Korean descent began to seriously consider overseas adoption if they could not provide adequate care, and were also encouraged to do so by others. 

With the increase in overseas adoption, the government attempted to promote domestic adoption, but such efforts were ineffective in that they overlooked the actual cause and background of the increase in birth mothers seeking adoption. As such, the number of birth mothers visiting overseas adoption agencies in the private sector continued to increase, contributing to the increase in overseas adoption. 

Second, from 1980 to 1987, while the ideology of the modern normal family was strengthened and the governments overseas adoption policy shifted toward liberalization of the private sector, government support for birth mothers was inefficient as ever. In addition, while the status of single mothers was weakened and their motherhood denied, foreign families who had adopted Korean children appeared to adhere to the model of a normal family. Amid these changes, no support or protection other than overseas adoption was provided for unmarried women who became pregnant and married women who had difficulty raising children. As a result, instead of raising the children by themselves, the number of birth mothers who received consultation about and sought out overseas adoption through overseas adoption agencies increased further. 

Despite the improvement in child welfare and related legislation during this period, after the governments liberalization of overseas adoption, the number of children put up for overseas adoption, including abandoned and missing children, surged with the nationwide expansion of overseas adoption agencies in the private sector and the increased pressure to acquire children for adoption from maternity clinics. The increase in the numbers of birth mothers receiving adoption consulting and abandoned and missing children contributed to the increase in overseas adoption. Contrary to the governments expectation, more birth mothers decided to put their children up for adoption, and the number of overseas adoptions hit a record high during this period. 

Third, from 1988 to 1992, the government changed its policy to impede overseas adoption when it faced criticism both at home and abroad. The legal status of mothers improved under the Family Law, and mothers rights received protection under the Child Care Act. In addition, more childcare support became available for birth mothers, both married and single. With the change in perception of the motherhood of unwed mothers, Koreans started to realize the need to provide support to all mothers regardless of marital status. Overseas adoption was no longer idealized, and its popularity waned. As Korean societys idealization and desire for the lives of overseas adoptees declined, this led to a decrease in the need and preferences of birth mothers for overseas adoption. The rapid decrease during this period can be traced to the decrease in channels for adoption consulting following the implementation of less favorable policies and change in perception towards overseas adoption, expanded childcare support for mother-and-child families, poor families, and unwed mothers families, and acknowledgement of parental rights. While married women could choose to raise their own child or abort, unwed mothers in their early twenties or younger were not free to make decisions on childcare, birth control, or abortion. Because most policies related to motherhood and childcare neglected unwed teenage mothers who had little choice but to put up their children for adoption abroad, most birth mothers putting up their children for overseas adoption were young and unmarried. 

The significance of this study, which explores the issue of overseas adoption through a feminist approach to birth mothers motherhood, is as follows. First, the study reveals not only the correlation between overseas adoption in Korean society, changes in the demographic composition of Korean birth mothers, and motherhood in Korea but also the changes in birth mothers motherhood and the adoption decisions of birth mothers in each period, which can contribute to explaining the characteristics of changes in the overseas adoption of South Korean babies. Second, in contrast to the conventional ways of explaining the overseas adoption of South Korean babies, the abandonment discourse and irresponsible country discourse, this study suggests that birth mothers were subjective agents who decided to put up their children for overseas adoption in line with institutional changes in the overseas adoption system and Korean motherhood. By viewing birth mothers as maternal agents and their decisions as practices of motherhood, this study reconstitutes the perception and discourse of the birth mother based on motherhood from a feminist perspective, deviating from conventional patriarchal ideology. Third, by overcoming the gaps in existing studies and records on domestic protection procedures for children adopted abroad, this study not only investigates the entire process of a Korean child being adopted overseas but also explains the social context at the time of overseas adoption. Fourth, this study not only deepens the understanding of the relationship between overseas adoption and Korean motherhood but also reveals and analyzes the feminist implications of motherhood exhibited by Korean birth mothers who put up their children for overseas adoption. By closely analyzing the Korean context of intercountry adoption and its transformation, this study enhances the understanding of what historical and social processes have expanded and reduced the overseas adoption of Korean babies.

#Adoption# OverseasAdoption# IntercountryAdoption# BirthMother# Feminism# Motherhood# SouthKorea# KoreanLanguageMaterials
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